Social Movements in Egypt and Iran
Moreover, Twitter was applied to communicate with the audience outside Egypt to "globalized the movement and win international support to protect and sustain the uprising". The worldwide audience was also able to have constant update with the situation in Egypt besides simply listening to the State's point of view. An article in the magazine Wired states that social media did not cause the Egypt revolution. Rather, Twitter and Facebook were more like "a spark and an accelerant", "catalyzing pro-democracy movements".
They have had the most potent impact in "what has shocked most observers of the current Egyptian scene: the sheer speed with which the regime fell — 18 days". In Egypt, Twitter was furthermore used to launch movements and volunteer groups hoping to have a positive effect on the community during a volatile time.
Tahir Supplies and Tahrir Doctors aimed to save lives through collecting supplies, disseminating emergency alerts and were both effective in developing a logistics network to handle medical emergencies in Tahrir Square. Soraya Bahgat founded the movement after being horrified by the stories of ongoing mob sexual assaults in Tahrir Square as a movement of uniformed volunteers taking a stand against these assaults.
Inspired by Twitter's effectiveness as a launching pad for initiatives such as Tahrir Supplies and Tahrir Doctors, she immediately took to Twitter after getting the idea and created the account that launched the movement. After president Viktor Yanukovich rejected the signing of the EU—Ukraine agreement on November 21, , a mass protest took place on the ' European square ' in Kiev. The average amount of daily tweets grew from 90, in to , during the protests.
It reached a peak on 20 February , when dozens of protesters were killed. The same day, , tweets were written. This indicates that those tweets were posted mostly by Ukrainians themselves. Ukrainian Twitterati addressed tweets with the hashtag digitalmaidan to foreign media, politicians and international organizations.
The hashtag then topped worldwide Twitter trends.
SOAS Research Online
The Tunisian Revolution was sparked in December due to a lack of political freedoms and poor living conditions. One of the messages spread through Twitter included a popular hashtag sidibouzid, which was important in highlighting the Tunisian Revolution through a hashtag. In a survey conducted about social media use in the Tunisian revolution, "many of the respondents named Twitter, Facebook, Skype, and cell phones as social media platforms they were using.
Prior to the revolution most of the respondents stated that they were using social media to exchange information, stay in contact with family, and receive uncensored news. During the revolution, the respondents expressed an increased use of social media.
Furthermore, the Tunisian people spread videos and photos of violence taking place in the country at the time. This allowed for people outside of Tunisia to understand what was taking place in Tunisia during the revolution. This led to increased coverage of the events from outside the country, which helped spread awareness and ultimately help the people of Tunisia see their former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. The term Twitter Revolution refers to different revolutions and protests, most of which had the social networking site Twitter be used by protestors and demonstrators in order to communicate: Moldova civil unrest , claiming that the elections, which saw the governing Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova PCRM win a majority of seats, were fraudulent — Iranian election protests , also known as Green Revolution and Facebook Revolution, following the Iranian presidential election — Tunisian revolution , also known as Jasmine Revolution and Wikileaks Revolution, in which the regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ended after 23 years Egyptian Revolution of , in which the regime of Hosni Mubarak was ended after 30 years Euromaidan Revolution in Ukraine, beginning in November Lance Bennett.
After Egypt: The limits and promise of online challenges to the authoritarian Arab state. Perspectives on Politics. He pays close attention to the idiom of debate on religion and politics, yet he shows successfully that Muslim politics is better understood by how Muslims practice politics than by how they define it.
Iranian by birth and education, he lived through the Revolution and studied its politics closely. Subsequently he lived and worked in Egypt, and got to know that country intimately. Switching his focus between the two, Bayat provides a powerful contrast between different kinds of Islamic society. Part autobiographical and always incisive, Making Islam Democratic shows the opportunities and obstacles to making Islam compatible with democracy, focusing incisively on practice—how political and religious activists and thinkers in Iran and Egypt have struggled over peoples' imaginations and competed for the control of key institutions that define core social and political values.click here
Social movements in Egypt and Iran in SearchWorks catalog
This book is a must-read for anyone concerned with the future of democracy in Muslim-majority societies. Eickelman, co-author of Muslim Politics. Almost alone amongst scholars of the region in having expertise on both Iran and the Arab world, and with a deep commitment to combining regional knowledge with social theory, Bayat has produced a work of originality and quality.
His exploration of the category 'post-Islamism,' when so many in the Middle East and the West stress the impact of Islamism itself, sets this work apart from so many prevailing, repetitive and introverted, discussions of the region. Bayat, combining sociological sophistication with sharply detailed observation, offers hearty fare for those who are tired of the thin gruel served up elsewhere. Though Bayat sees no necessary hostility between the two, Muslims in the Middle East are in practice caught between authoritarian regimes, authoritarian Islamist oppositions, and foreign military occupation.
Nonetheless, focusing on Iran and Egypt, he sees grounds for hope, mainly in post-Islamist social movements which may establish a presence in civil society sufficient to force concessions from the regimes. Since their problems have recently become our problems too, this excellent book should be very widely read. On the other hand, a rare rapprochement between Egypt and Iran occurred and was reflected in mutual visits, most importantly by then-presidents Morsi and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
The two countries started ironing out their differences and discussed the repair of a year rupture in diplomatic relations.
Surprisingly, the events of June 30, took a different tack and altered the direction of these relations. Egyptian-Turkish relations deteriorated to the degree of recalling ambassadors and reducing the level of diplomatic representation. To answer this, one must recall the role of the colonial powers, who tried to make an arrangement to keep the governments in this region dependent on them even after their formal independence. To that end, they deliberately installed and assigned new governments that differed from the social structure of the state for example, a ruling Sunni elite in a Shiite majority country, or vice versa.
For this reason, these governments would remain dependent and continue to seek external resources and foreign support for their domestic or regional struggles and survival. The gateway hypothesis is congruent with this approach.
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The need to leave at least one corner open to foreign powers could not be realized unless these three countries were not close enough to each other to seal the gate. To do this, stoking conflict and keeping at least one of these countries aloof from the others would bring the required result. A corollary of this is that the polities of these countries will search for foreign support and extended links from outside the region for any potential regional struggle lest there are unexpected repercussions.
This, without a doubt, leaves one corner loose, and hence the gate will remain open to outsiders.
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What we have been witnessing recently in the exchange of roles and shift in alliances gives a good indication of the accuracy of this hypothesis. Most starkly, when it diverged from Egypt, Iran worked on improving its relations with the US and Egypt worked on mending bridges with the Russians, and thus a remarkable rapprochement that had not happened since the days of Nasser has been the result.
To recap the chief argument of this analysis, many argue that all this comes in the context of a conspiracy aiming to keep this region fragmented. Yet I believe that such developments have ushered in a new mode of international relations, designed solely for this specific region.